Organic Christ Generation
CDAMM

Organic Christ Generation

section link

Introduction

The Organic Christ Generation, founded by Swiss preacher Ivo Sasek (b. 1956), is a religious movement that blends charismatic Christian beliefs with a strong sense of divine mission and end-times urgency. Emerging from Sasek’s personal spiritual journey, the group has evolved into a tightly knit community that sees itself as a living Organism guided by divine authority. Central to its worldview are apocalyptic and millenarian themes: the belief that society is under threat from satanic forces and that biblical prophecies—especially those concerning the “mark of the beast” (Revelation 13:16–18)—are unfolding in real time. Yet, unlike other endtime movements, the Organic Christ Generation promotes a form of “avertive apocalypticism” (for the term, see Wojcik 2011), teaching that the catastrophic end foretold in scripture can be avoided through active resistance and spiritual awakening. This vision fuels the group’s activism and media outreach, which aim to expose perceived global conspiracies and usher in a new, divinely inspired world order. Over the years, the Organic Christ Generation founded several media organisations including a television channel, a publishing house, a conference series, and a newspaper, all aiming to stop the dooming prophecies from the book of Revelation from happening. In doing so, the Organic Christ Generation increasingly became criticised not only for its religious teachings that are often portrayed as cult-like but also as an originator and facilitator of misinformation.

section link

Origins and Development

The history of the Organic Christ Generation is intrinsically linked to the person of Ivo Sasek. Born in Zurich in 1956 and raised in an atheist family, Sasek initially had no interest in religion. His youth was spent playing in a band, experimenting with drugs, and enjoying popularity with women—a lifestyle he later characterised as dissolute. He went on to train as a car mechanic, and it was a co-worker who inspired him to embrace Christianity. This led to his conversion in 1977 at the age of twenty-one, after which he promptly left his job as a car salesman to attend the Newlife Bible School (Schmid 1998; Lamprecht 2003; Sasek 2020 [2002]).

Through his involvement with Newlife, an evangelical church attracting young people at the time, Sasek participated in mission trips, was baptised, and received his education at their Bible school. His tenure at this Bible school, however, ended abruptly in 1982 when he began to adopt a charismatic-Pentecostal theology. He practised glossolalia (speaking in tongues), the laying on of hands, and faith healing—all practices rejected by the explicitly anti-charismatic Newlife movement. Refusing to abandon those beliefs, Sasek was expelled from the school. Subsequently, he joined a former Newlife leader to work at a Christian drug rehabilitation centre (Schmid 1998; Lamprecht 2003; Sasek 2020 [2002]).

A few years later, upon the closure of the centre, Sasek and his wife, Anni, took responsibility for its clients by establishing their own rehabilitation centre, Obadja. They bought a property in Walzenhausen in the Canton of Appenzell Ausserrhoden in the eastern part of Switzerland. Besides caring for addicts and increasingly for people with all kinds of problems, Sasek began writing books and recording his sermons on audio cassettes, a practice that gradually gained a following and formed a dedicated community around his teachings (Schmid 1998; Lamprecht 2003; Sasek 2020 [2002]).

A pivotal moment in the group’s development occurred in 1994 when, on Sasek’s own account, he experienced a psychological crisis which precipitated a fundamental re-evaluation of the community’s structure (Sasek 2020 [2002]). Although the theology of the Organism was already outlined prior, it was in the time after the mental breakdown that Ivo Sasek made it a cornerstone of his theology. His theological framework consistently invokes the image of Ephesians 1:22–23, which characterises Jesus as the head of a body, or as Sasek calls it, an Organism, constituted by his followers (Sasek 2007 [1994]). He elaborates this biblical concept by proposing that the Body of Christ must operate as a cohesive, living Organism (Sasek 2022b). According to his understanding, this Organism must function as a unified entity under the direction of divinely appointed leadership, specifically apostles, prophets, shepherds, and teachers, with Sasek identifying himself as an apostle (Sasek 1999). Essential is the idea that each member contributes to the collective body, a requirement demanding radical and total submission to Christ’s authority (Sasek 2013 [1996]). Sasek diagnostically framed the community’s difficulties and his breakdown as the direct result of malign influence from certain individuals within the community that is referred to as the Organism. As a direct response, he instituted the Bemessungsdienst (Measurement Service), a formalised practice of assessment designed to scrutinise the suitability of prospective members before their integration into the Organic Christ Generation. Acting upon this reorientation, he dedicated himself to a ministry centred on judgement and correction. Retrospectively, Sasek maintains that, notwithstanding initial setbacks such as a decline in membership, this strategic reorientation ultimately revitalised the community and precipitated a flourishing of its ministry and a growth of the community he often refers to as the Organism (Sasek 2020 [2002]).

In the years that followed, the community steadily grew and, in 1999, adopted the name Organic Christ Generation. Still relatively small, the community was not well known within Switzerland, apart from by a few organisations explicitly monitoring the Swiss religious landscape (Schmid 1998). This all changed suddenly when a newspaper report in the national newspaper Tagesanzeiger propelled Sasek and the Organic Christ Generation into the headlines with an article discussing Sasek’s teachings favouring the corporal punishment of children (Stamm 2001). Other news organisations also covered the story (Von Tobel 2001). Although Sasek tried to counter these accusations in the years that followed, he continued to attract public attention (Sasek 2010). It was the beginning of an ongoing controversy that led to Sasek being regarded as a notorious cult leader in Switzerland.

Despite this controversy, Sasek continued to publicly promote his theology of the Organism, attracting an increasing number of followers and proving to be particularly inventive in the ways he did so. Not only did Sasek publish books and audio cassettes with his sermons, but he also began touring Switzerland, Germany, and Austria with musicals, performing with his wife and their increasingly numerous children, eleven in total. He went on to produce several films featuring storylines that presented his theology of the Organism. In particular, the 2006 film Helden sterben anders, which was shown at the prestigious Solothurn Film Festival, attracted some attention. In it, the mythical figure of Arnold von Winkelried, a legendary Swiss folk hero associated with the Battle of Sempach (1386), is reinterpreted as an early proponent of the Organic Christ Generation’s theology. On the one hand, reviews were devastating, describing the production as amateurish, poor, and dull; on the other hand, journalists highlighted that the director, Ivo Sasek, was the leader of a “cult-like” organisation accused of beating their children. Due to this controversy, only a few cinemas screened the film (Rütti-Saner 2007; Walther 2007; Zinsli 2007).

For Sasek, this marked another step in an ongoing campaign against him, aimed at preventing him and the Organism from succeeding. Attributed to Satan’s machinations in the world, Sasek urged his followers to intensify their efforts and oppose these perceived hostilities. This opposition primarily entails abstaining from the secular world and Satan’s temptations. The Antichrist, or as Sasek translates it, the “instead-of-Christ,” appears in this theology as a tempter luring people away from doing Christ’s work. This emphasis on “instead” reinforces the necessity of dedicating one’s life entirely to the Organism (Sasek 2008 [2004]). Secondly, Sasek began to organise a form of activism which sought to halt satanic plans within society. For instance, the planned introduction in 2008 of passports featuring Radio Frequency Identification (RFID) chips drew Sasek’s attention. Viewing the chipped passports as the mark of the beast from the book of Revelation (more on this in section “Avertive Apocalypticism”), he gathered his supporters to oppose the change and founded the Anti-Genocide Party (AGP), with Anni Sasek serving as Vice-President. Using Switzerland’s unique political system of direct democracy, a referendum was launched, the necessary signatures collected, and the Swiss electorate subsequently voted on the issue, narrowly accepting the introduction of the new passports (Fagetti 2008; SwissVotes 2009).

This defeat did not halt the Organic Christ Generation’s activism. In the subsequent years, several other projects emerged from the Organic Christ Generation. For instance, 2008 also marked the start of the Anti-Zensur-Koalition (Anti-Censorship-Coalition). Under this name, the Organic Christ Generation began organising congresses to which speakers they believe are censored by mainstream media are invited. Notably controversial figures such as Daniele Ganser and David Icke sparked debate, but so did lawyer Sylvia Stolz, who denied the Holocaust at one of these events (Anti-Zensur-Koalition 2014; Stutz 2018; Anti-Zensur-Koalition 2024).

The focus of the activism has somewhat shifted from proselytization to politics and media, which are identified by the Organic Christ Generation as the root causes of the world’s problems. Consequently, in 2012, the Organic Christ Generation launched their own newspaper, Stimme & Gegenstimme (Voice and Counter-Voice), to counter the dominant voice of the mainstream media. In the same year, they also founded their own online television channel, Kla.tv, presenting alternative news in a late-night news format. This platform proved to be particularly successful over the years, and at the time of writing, it has reached several hundred thousand viewers daily and is broadcasted in 88 languages, according to their own figures (Sasek 2014). In 2019, the Organic Christ Generation launched an online encyclopedia, Vetopedia, which seeks to provide an alternative to dominant online encyclopaedias. The content on these platforms is diverse but consistently challenges dominant narratives in mainstream media. Stories are often framed through conspiracy theories aiming to reveal links between various phenomena. A cabal of an elitist Freemason group, inspired by a satanic will for evil, is frequently held responsible for malicious events (see, for example, Sasek 2024). Sasek also perceives himself as the victim of a systematic conspiracy, detailed extensively in his book Dokument einer Verschwörung (Sasek 2019 [2018]). Not only did the Organic Christ Generation’s focus shift from religious proselytization to an increased effort to combat evil conspiracies, but their critics did as well, with Kla.tv recognised as one of the most significant media platforms for spreading German-speaking conspiracy theory content (see, for example, Pöhlmann 2021, 2023).

Recent history is marked by another public outcry regarding Sasek’s image as a perfect family man; a Swiss television documentary challenged this in 2022, reporting that three of Sasek’s sons had left the Organic Christ Generation. In interviews, two of the sons, Simon and Joschua Sasek, confirmed long-standing accusations of corporal punishment, right-wing extremist views, and the controlling nature of their father (Falk 2022). Sasek himself later addressed the situation in internal communications, attributing his sons’ departure to spiritual warfare by Satan (Sasek 2022a). In 2024, another story gained renewed attention after a high-ranking Kla.tv staff member departed and provided insights into the platform’s production processes, pointing out that journalistic standards were not followed and that the focus was solely on providing information that contradicted the broader media landscape (Galgani 2024).

section link

Avertive Apocalypticism

In the early days of the Organic Christ Generation, Sasek presented an apocalyptic eschatology. The focus was on leading a good Christian life, evangelising, and being ready for the imminent end. He, like many others, read the signs of the time and saw them as proof of the nearing end. The increasing acceptance of homosexuality in Swiss society was one of these cases. For Sasek, such change showed that Satan was on the up and the Organic Christ Generation had to abstain from this world (see, for example, Sasek 2002).

In a book published in 2007, Sasek laid the grounds for a shift in this theology. In the book, titled Charagma, which is the Greek word for the mark of the beast as used in the book of Revelation (13:16–18), Sasek commented on the aforementioned introduction of the biometric passport. His wording was quite clear: the introduction of these passports and microchips was the mark of the beast. It indicated, Sasek argued, that bad things were about to happen (Sasek 2017 [2007]). According to Sasek, the passport was the first step of putting pressure on Christians to accept the mark of the beast. What would follow was the “VeryChip” (officially spelt VeriChip), a concept discussed in the tech community at the time that sought to implant RFID chips into humans. The fear was that the VeryChip would eventually be forced onto everyone. Sasek claimed that scientists had identified two possible locations to insert the chip: the forehead and the right hand, just as the book of Revelation said. He regarded a genocide of Christians as inevitable, because in his view they could not possibly accept the “Charagma.” Or in Sasek’s own words:

Brothers and sisters, in other words: the time has come. Whatever came before, that was not; but what is coming now, that is it. And even if this ‘VeryChip’ can be thinned in the course of the technical development so that it can be etched onto the skin, it will still have the meaning of ‘charagma,’ it will still completely fulfil the meaning of ‘charagma.’ (Sasek 2017 [2007], 19, my own translation)

For Sasek, the beast is modern science. Through science, Sasek claims the number 666, referenced in Revelation 13:18, reaches its actual meaning. The passage reads as follows: “Let the one who has understanding calculate the number of the beast, for it is the number of a man, and his number is 666” (ESV). Referring to the Greek, Sasek argues that the mention of “a man” in verse 18 is not specific but is being used in a general sense:

Six is the number of man, so three times 6 ultimately means nothing other than that this beast, for all its force and power, is nevertheless a purely human product or system. (Sasek 2017 [2007], 29, my own translation)

The beast is a human system, just like science, that rises and seeks to kill all those true Christians who refuse to take the mark.

But in Sasek’s theology, the mark of the beast is more than a literal mark to be forced upon everyone; it is also something symbolic. He argues that the mark of the beast can be forced upon Christians even before it is literally inserted into one’s body:

Therefore, the mark of the beast is not only the mark when it is definitively engraved on our body, but in every respect it is already there where we are mentally, spiritually, psychologically aligned with a non-Christian mindset. “Do not conform to this world!” has therefore always been the Lord’s formula of resistance. (Sasek 2017 [2007], 42, my own translation)

This interpretation—the mark of the beast being something symbolic and mental—resonates with Sasek’s earlier theology of abstaining from the world altogether. Nevertheless, the 2007 book ushers in a new approach within the Organic Christ Generation.

Sasek calls his followers out to take a stand against the RFID chips, as it might soon be too late. He brings the example of homosexuality that, in his view, has become socially acceptable. Everyone, he claims, is expected to accept and even like homosexuality now. He argues that criticising homosexuality became illegal, all because no one reacted strongly enough when there was still time:

Because there is an increasing push for the alignment of thought (mark on the forehead) and also of action (mark on the right hand) via state power and legislation, it is the last moment when we can defy genocide as free people. (Sasek 2017 [2007], 46, my own translation).

This book marks a shift from abstaining to focusing on this-worldly issues. Sasek began teaching that the content of Revelation is not inevitable prophecy but a threat that can be stopped by working against it. A clear example of this is a speech held in 2020, where Sasek argued that the then widely discussed Covid-19 vaccine is the mark of the beast and the beast is a world dictatorship made up of a cabal of state, science, and industry, led by satanists and freemasons.

For 2,000 years it [the vaccine] has been standing literally in the original text. Only those who accept their identification marks to be engraved in their hands would still be able to buy and sell. All the insubordinate ones, on the other hand - and here it comes, are going to be sanctioned, excluded and finally have to suffer martyrdom.
All this was wrongly translated in the indicative. What does this mean? It means the grammatical form of reality, the indicative form points to a form of the verb that indicates a fact. That is why this prophecy until now, meant that there is no escape, because everything must inevitably come to pass. So, a bloodbath must come, that is what it means.
However, that is exactly where the paralysing falsification lies. In truth, the Big-Pharma-Intention is not written in the indicative, but in the subjunctive, that is, in the mere form of wish or possibility. So the entire power does not lie with the mercilessly emerging world dictatorship, but solely with the people, who in the same texts are conjured up to absolute resistance. (Sasek 2020a, translation by Kla.tv).

What Sasek presented here can be understood as “avertive apocalypticism” (for this concept, see Wojcik 2011). Biblical prophecy is not inevitable but avoidable if the right call for action is heeded. It is in this context that the Organic Christ Generation’s activism through the many aforementioned organisations must be read and understood. Fighting against those in cohort with the devil is the approach to take to avoid the end as threatened in the book of Revelation.

The eschatological vision becomes progressive millennialist instead of catastrophic (see also CDAMM Millenarianism). Sasek asserts that the world does not have to end in a great apocalyptic event, but that the new world is already visible. In 2020, Sasek stated:

Amidst difficult times, including the most challenging moments the world has ever seen or will see, within this tragedy, the new emerges – the new world. And it is here, you know? We are not proclaiming something that is yet to come. I say it is here. (Sasek 2020b, my own translation).

This new world consists of all those who demand the dissolution of unjust systems. The new world is waiting to be recognised but is already present in this world, or as Sasek expresses: “that IS us, that is us, it is here” (Sasek 2020b, my own translation). In order to recognise this new world, one must awaken.

The grim picture Sasek paints of the present is interpreted by him as an opportunity to see the new world. He calls it an “Age of Awakening,” during which more and more people recognise the new world, thereby encouraging others to follow and engage with divine power. Together, it is possible to “gain the upper hand” and stop the bad events from the book of Revelation (Sasek 2020b, my own translation).

To create the world, the Organism has to work for it. The ultimate triumph over the Evil Conspirators is only possible with divine support. Sasek argues that one must learn to feel this power and be guided by it. He rejects the idea, which he calls common among Christians, of waiting for external salvation. Instead, he insists on active engagement. Just as Moses once raised his staff and, with the support of divine power, parted the sea, so must every individual raise their staff and confront the enemies of the divine. Sasek portrays himself as someone who has received and embraced this mandate:

He [God] said exactly this: ‘You stand up, you put an end to the media, you bring them to their knees!’ Wow, what a mandate. I said, ‘I will do it, Lord, I will do it!’ And within a few years, the tide turned so much that millions are shouting the same thing in unison: ‘Fake media!’ That is because they attacked God in me! (Sasek 2022c, my own translation)

The contemporary Organic Christ Generation is made up of an interplay between theological concepts and conspiracy narratives. While the fight against the “evil conspiracy” is possible only with divine support, the atrocities brought about by the evil cabal prompt individuals to open themselves to God, create synergies, and actively combat this evil system together. Only once the God-supported Organism has grown can the new world emerge fully, which is why Sasek believes that disseminating acquired knowledge is vital. This progressive millennial eschatology is reliant on the inner-worldly activism of followers, and seeks to change the current world for the better.

section link

Cult-watchers, Journalists and Hackers: The OCG and Its Enemies

The history of the Organic Christ Generation has been characterised by a prolonged and evolving dialectic with its critics. Its origins lie in a theological schism: following his conversion, Sasek’s initial conflict with his atheist family rapidly expanded into a formal rupture with the cessationist Newlife Movement, centring on divergent interpretations of spiritual gifts, specifically Sasek’s embrace of charismatic-Pentecostal views. Whilst these early disputes were primarily theological in nature—with the Organic Christ Generation remaining critical of what it terms ‘Buchstaben-Gläubige’ (‘Letter Believers’), whom it accuses of a literalism that obscures God’s ongoing work on earth (Sasek 2008 [2004])—the nature of the criticism subsequently broadened.

The discourse entered a new phase in 1998 when Relinfo, an organisation funded by the Reformed Church of Switzerland, published a critical analysis of Sasek’s community. This was then followed by a public scandal concerning the group’s use of corporal punishment against children. Although Relinfo could be construed as a religious competitor, subsequent journalistic investigations introduced a more secular dimension to the critique of Sasek’s project.

This critical attention expanded to include cult-monitoring organisations such as Relinfo, the German Evangelische Zentralstelle für Weltanschauungsfragen (EZW), and the Austrian Bundesstelle für Sektenfragen, as well as government officials like Michael Blume, the Commissioner of the Baden-Württemberg State Government against Anti-Semitism. These entities have repeatedly analysed the Organic Christ Generation, warning of its cult-like organisational structure and, increasingly, the proliferation of misinformation identified within Sasek’s publications (see, for example, Schmid 1998; Lamprecht 2023; Bundesstelle für Sektenfragen 2019; Blume 2023).

Parallel to this, journalistic scrutiny of initiatives of the Organic Christ Generation has emerged periodically. Events such as the controversial 2006 film Helden sterben anders (Rütti-Saner 2007; Walther 2007; Zinsli 2007), the 2008 foundation of the Anti-Genocide Party (Stamm 2009), and the appearance of particularly contentious guest speakers at its Anti-Zensur-Koalition conferences have drawn significant public attention over the years. The Organic Christ Generation and Sasek are acutely aware of these adversaries, explicitly naming critics such as Tagesanzeiger journalist Hugo Stamm and Relinfo’s director, Georg Otto Schmid (Kla.tv 2020).

With the rise of the Organic Christ Generation’s alternative media platforms, a new category of critics emerged. In 2020, the hacker collective Anonymous Germany targeted the Organic Christ Generation and its online infrastructure in Operation Tinfoil, an explicit campaign to dismantle websites it identified as central to spreading Covid-19 misinformation. The collective not only successfully disabled numerous Organic Christ Generation websites for several days but also exfiltrated internal documents. These files, later published by journalists, included a so-called “enemies list,” which named journalists, cult watchers, politicians, and even members of the Swiss Federal Council (Anonymous 2020; Latzer 2020; Wietlisbach 2020).

Consequently, a substantial body of literature has been produced within this controversy-laden context. However, this corpus is deeply partisan and must be understood as part of the ongoing polemic between the Organic Christ Generation and its critics. This persistent adversity has undoubtedly shaped the Organic Christ Generation’s worldview and self-understanding, even as its underlying theology has been a primary catalyst for the controversy itself.

section link

References and Sources

Academic Sources

Bawidamann, Loïc. 2024a. “From the Religious Field to the Alternative Field. How Conspiracy Theories Challenge Differentiation.” Journal of Religion in Europe 17 (1): 1–31. https://doi.org/10.1163/18748929-bja10099.

Bawidamann, Loïc. 2024b. “Genesis and Structure of the Alternative Field: Conspiracy Theories, Alternative Medicine, and the Fight against the Mainstream.” AЯGOS 3 (1): 1–25. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.26034/fr.argos.2024.5535.

Wojcik, Daniel. 2011. “Avertive Apocalypticism.” In The Oxford Handbook of Millennialism, edited by Catherine Wessinger, 66–88. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Cited Cult-Watching and Journalistic Sources

Anonymous. 2020. “Einleitung. Operation Tinfoil – Klagemauer TV (kla.tv), Ivo Sasek und die OCG (Organische Christus Generation).” 19 July. Retrieved from https://rentry.co/klatveinfuehrung/.

Blume, Michael. 2023. “Alpiner Antisemitismus. Die Organische Christus-Generation (OCG) von Ivo Sasek.”, Herder Korrespondenz Vol. S 2, No. 55.

Bundesstelle für Sektenfragen. 2024. “Tätigkeitsbericht 2024.” Bundesstelle für Sektenfragen. Retrieved from https://bundesstelle-sektenfragen.at/wp-content/uploads/Taetigkeitsbericht-2024.pdf

Fagetti, Andreas. 2008. “Die Warner von der Anti Genozid Partei.” St. Galler Tagblatt 28 August.

Falk, Eveline. 2022. “Söhne des Sektenführers Ivo Sasek bestätigen Kindesmisshandlung.” Schweizer Radio und Fernsehen (SRF) 20 April.

Galgani, Gianluca. 2024. “Aussteigerin aus Sasek-Sekte erzählt vom Leben in Fake-News-Welt.” Schweizer Radio und Fernsehen (SRF) 10 April.

Lamprecht, Harald. 2003. “Organische Christusgeneration. Ivo Sasek und seine Bewegung.” Materialdienst der Evangelischen Zentralstelle für Weltanschauungen 66 (4): 132–43.

Lamprecht, Harald. 2023. “Was ist Sasekismus?”, In Organische Christus-Generation, Kla.TV und Anti-Zensur-Koalition. Die Verschwörungswelten des Sasekismus (EZW-Texte 276), edited by Matthias Pöhlmann, 7–8. Berlin: EZW-Texte.

Latzer, Marco. 2020. “Cassis, Berset, Caroni auf geheimer Feindes-Liste.” Blick 3 August.

Pöhlmann, Matthias. 2021. Rechte Esoterik. Wenn sich alternatives Denken und Extremismus gefährlich vermischen. Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder.

Pöhlmann, Matthias. 2023. “Einführung.” In Organische Christus-Generation, Kla.TV und Anti-Zensur-Koalition. Die Verschwörungswelten des Sasekismus (EZW-Texte 276), edited by Matthias Pöhlmann, 3–5. Berlin: EZW-Texte.

Rütti-Saner, Fränzi. 2007. “Saseks Helden in Solothurn.” St. Galler Tagblatt 25 January

Schmid, Georg Otto. 1998. “Obadja.” Informationsblatt. Herausgegeben von der Evangelischen Informationsstelle: Kirchen - Sekten - Religionen 35 (3): 7–12.

Stamm, Hugo. 2001. “‘Blutige Striemen schützen vor der Hölle’.” Tagesanzeiger 22 June.

Stamm, Hugo. 2009. “Das Klassentreffen der unheimlichen Patrioten.” Der Bund 31 October.

Stutz, Hans. 2018. “Freispruch für Ivo Sasek.” Tacheles 24 August.

SwissVotes. 2009. “Einführung des biometrischen Passes.” Universität Bern. Retrieved from https://swissvotes.ch/vote/542.00.

Von Tobel, Urs. 2001. “Prügelstrafe im Namen des Herrn.” Beobachter 14 September.

Walther, Christian. 2007. “Winkelried, der christliche Held ein blutrünstiges Schlachtenepos an den Filmtagen.” Schweizer Radio und Fernsehen (SRF) 24 January

Wietlisbach, Oliver. 2020. “Schweizer Sektenführer Sasek von Anonymous brutal vorgeführt.” Watson 24 September.

Zinsli, Hans Jürg. 2007. “Sektenalarm in Solothurn?” Berner Zeitung 26 January.

Cited Works by Ivo Sasek

Sasek, Ivo. 1999. “Wandel im Geist.” Gemeinde-Lehrdienst 5 June.

Sasek, Ivo. 2002. “Wie cool ist schwul?” St. Galler Tagblatt 7 November.

Sasek, Ivo. 2007 [1994]. Krieg in Gerechtigkeit. Walzenhausen: Elaion Verlag.

Sasek, Ivo. 2008 [2004]. Anstatt- oder Christus. Walzenhausen: Elaion Verlag.

Sasek, Ivo. 2010. “Mit Prügel nichts am Hut.” Landbote 19 August

Sasek, Ivo. 2013 [1996]. Die Königsherrschaft. Walzenhausen: Elaion Verlag.

Sasek, Ivo. 2014. “Wie entstand die OCG, AZK, Kla.TV, S&G…? Ein Vortrag von Ivo Sasek bei Scientology am 21. September 2014.” Retrieved from https://www.elaion-verlag.ch/dvd-entstehung-ocg/

Sasek, Ivo. 2017 [2007]. Charagma” – das Malzeichen des Tieres. Walzenhausen: Elaion Verlag.

Sasek, Ivo. 2019 [2018]. Dokument einer Verschwörung. St. Margrethen: Klagemauer TV.

Sasek, Ivo. 2020a. “Entlarvtes Mordprogramm – Sasek entschärft Urtext-Falle – vor 3sat!” Kla.tv, 31 October. Retrieved from https://www.kla.tv/17461.

Sasek, Ivo. 2020b. “17. AZK: Ivo Sasek: Unser Sieges-Potential.” 19 January. Retrieved from https://www.kla.tv/15580.

Sasek, Ivo. 2020 [2002]. Herr der Wandlungen (Teil I - III). Walzenhausen: Elaion Verlag.

Sasek, Ivo. 2022a. “Der Verlust meiner Söhne.” Panorama-Nachrichten 3: September 2022.

Sasek, Ivo. 2022b. Sieg der Herrlichkeit. Die Überwindung des Bösen. Walzenhausen: Elaion Verlag.

Sasek, Ivo. 2022c. “GEMEINSAME MÜNDIGKEIT - Internationales Freundestreffen 2022.” 11 June. Retrieved from https://www.kla.tv/22737.

Sasek, Ivo. 2024. “Welt im Netz der Freimaurer.” Kla.tv, 2 March. Retrieved from https://www.kla.tv/28269.

Cited Content from Organic Christ Generation Platforms

Anti-Zensur-Koalition. 2014. “Verdeckte Kriegsführung – Ein Blick hinter die Kulissen der Machtpolitik - Dr. phil. Daniele Ganser.” 8 August. Retrieved from https://anti-zensur.info/azk10/verdecktekriegsfuehrung.

Anti-Zensur-Koalition. 2024. “Aufdeckung der Welt-Tyrannei und ihrer Kriegsstrategien - David Icke.” 27 July. Retrieved from https://anti-zensur.info/azk-20/tyrannei-kriegslist.

Kla.tv. 2020. “Die Entstehungsgeschichte von Kla.TV – Wie alles begann...” 4 February. Retrieved from https://www.kla.tv/Rueckblicke/15637.

Links to Organic Christ Generation Initiatives

Anti-Zensur-Koalition. https://anti-zensur.info/.

Elaion Verlag (Publishing House). https://www.elaion-verlag.ch.

Ivo Sasek (Personal Website). https://www.ivo-sasek.ch.

Kla.tv (formerly Klagemauer TV). https://www.kla.tv/.

Organic Christ Generation. https://www.ocg.life.

Panorama Film (Film Production Company). https://panorama-film.ch/start.php.

Sasek Family (Family Website). http://www.familie-sasek.ch.

Stimme & Gegenstimme (Voice and Countervoice). https://www.s-und-g.info.

Vetopedia. https://www.vetopedia.org/medienverleumdung.

Article information

Bawidamann, Loïc. 2025. "Organic Christ Generation." In James Crossley and Alastair Lockhart (eds.), Critical Dictionary of Apocalyptic and Millenarian Movements. 30 September 2025. Retrieved from www.cdamm.org/organic-christ-generation

Downloaded: 2026-02-27

Provided under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0

Share Article

Citation

144,000

144,000 refers to a belief in an elect group, often at end times or in an imminent transformation of the world. The usage typically derives from the book of Revelation. In Revelation 7:1–8, 144,000 refers to the twelve tribes of Israel who have the seal of God on their foreheads. They are also presented as virgins, blameless, ‘redeemed from the earth’, and expected to sing a new song at Mount Zion (Revelation 14:1–5).

Apocalypticism

In popular usage, 'apocalypticism' refers to a belief in the likely or impending destruction of the world (or a general global catastrophe), usually associated with upheaval in the social, political, and religious order of human society—often referred to as an/the 'apocalypse'. Historically, the term has had religious connotations and the great destruction has traditionally been seen as part of a divine scheme, though it is increasingly used in secular contexts. See the Apocalypticism article for a more detailed discussion.

Armageddon

In popular use, ‘Armageddon’ involves ideas of great cataclysmic events or conflict. The term has long been used to refer to a future battle or ongoing war at the end of time or civilization, whether understood generally as a cataclysmic final battle or specifically as a battle at a place called Megiddo (a location in modern Israel), or a more flexible understanding of Megiddo as a coded reference to an alternative location. ‘Armageddon’ derives from the book of Revelation where it appears just once (Revelation 16:16) with reference to the location of a great cosmic battle associated with the end times. See the Armageddon article for a more detailed discussion.

Beast of the Apocalypse

In popular terms, the 'Beast' or the 'Beast of the Apocalypse' refer generally to a violent and destructive creature that emerges at end times. Such understandings of an end-time beast or beasts derive from the book of Revelation (also called the The Apocalypse) and its long and varied history of interpretation. Revelation refers to 'beasts' on different occasions, including beasts in opposition to God: one emerging from the sea or a pit (Revelation 11:7; 13:1; 17:8; cf. Daniel 7), one from the earth (Revelation 13:11), and another scarlet in colour (Revelation 17:3). The beast from the earth is also associated with the number 666 (alternatively: 616) (Revelation 13:18) and Revelation 19:20 claims that the beast will 'thrown alive into the lake of fire that burns with sulfur' (New Revised Standard Version).

Eschatology

‘Eschatology’ concerns the study of end times and is derived from the Greek term ἔσχατος (eschatos), meaning ‘final, ‘last’, ‘end’, etc. Eschatology is a label that can incorporate a cluster of related beliefs which differ according to tradition (e.g., end of the world, resurrection, regeneration, Day of Judgment, Antichrist).

Kingdom of God

In the Bible, the ‘Kingdom of God’ (sometimes synonymous with the ‘Kingdom of Heaven’) refers to notions of ruling and kingship which are often understood to have a spatial or territorial dimension, whether in heaven or on earth. According to the book of Daniel, such ‘kingdom’ language is used to describe the claim that God rules the universe eternally (Daniel 4:34) but will also intervene in human history to establish a kingdom for his people (Daniel 2:44). According to the Gospels, Jesus predicted the coming Kingdom of God or Heaven and these predictions have been influential in the history of speculations about end times or the benefits of the kingdom being experienced in a present time and place. Across different traditions, such language has also been used to describe communities deemed holy or places deemed sacred, as well as being understood with reference to personal or ‘spiritual’ transformation.

Messianism

Messianism refers to ideas about a redeemer figure or figures who transform the fortunes of a given people or the world as a whole. The term ‘Messiah’ is derived from the Hebrew משיח (mashiach), meaning ‘anointed one’. In the Old Testament/Hebrew Bible, it is a term used to denote people such as kings, priests and prophets anointed to carry out their duties on behalf of God. In early Judaism, the term took on a more precise meaning as a future redeemer figure, including a king in the line of David. New Testament texts made such clams about Jesus where a Greek equivalent of the Hebrew, Χριστός (christos), became part of his name: Jesus Christ.

Millenarianism

In popular and academic use, the term ‘millenarianism’ is often synonymous with the related terms ‘millennialism’, ‘chiliasm’ and ‘millenarism’. They refer to an end-times Golden Age of peace, on earth, for a long period, preceding a final cataclysm and judgement—sometimes referred to as the 'millennium'. The terms are used to describe both millenarian belief and the persons or social groups for whom that belief is central. ‘Millennialism’ or ‘chiliasm’ are chronological terms derived from the Latin and Greek words for ‘thousand’. They are commonly used to refer to a thousand-year period envisaged in the book of Revelation (20:4–6) during which Christ and resurrected martyrs reign prior to the final judgment. More recently the terms have been used to refer to secular formulas of salvation, from political visions of social transformation to UFO movements anticipating globally transformative extra-terrestrial intervention. See the Millenarianism article for a more detailed discussion.

Prophecy

‘Prophecy’ can be broadly understood as a cross-cultural phenomenon involving claims of supernatural or inspired knowledge transmitted or interpreted by an authoritative recipient, intermediary, or interpreter labelled a ‘prophet’. The term is also used in a more general and secular way to refer to individuals who simply predict or prognosticate future events, or those leading principled causes or in pursuit of a particular social or political vision without any special association with inspired or supernatural insight. The language of ‘prophet’ and ‘prophecy’ in English derives from the Greek προφητης (prophētēs) found in the Greek translations of the Hebrew Bible/Old Testament and in the New Testament. See the Prophets and Prophecy article for a more detailed discussion.

Son of Man

‘Son of man’ simply means ‘man’ in biblical Hebrew and Aramaic and is a title for Jesus in the Greek New Testament. While the ancient idiom is gendered, some scholars prefer to bring out the generic implications and reflect inclusive language today in their English translations (e.g., 'son of a human being', 'son of humanity'). The phrase sometimes took on a more titular function before Jesus because of the book of Daniel. In Daniel 7, Daniel is said to have had a vision of four destructive beasts representing four kingdoms and who stand in contrast to a human-like figure—‘one like a son of man’. The ‘Ancient of Days’ then takes away the power of the beasts and Daniel sees ‘one like a son of man’ approaching, ‘coming with the clouds of heaven’ (Daniel 7:13; New International Version). Daniel 7 claims that this ‘son of man’ figure will be given ‘authority, glory and sovereign power’, ‘all peoples’ will worship him, and his kingdom will be everlasting. The precise identification of the ‘one like a son of man’ in Daniel 7:13 is not made explicit and there has been a long history of identification with a variety of candidates in apocalyptic and millenarian movements, sometimes without reference to the book of Daniel.

Zion

‘Zion’ is an alternative name for Jerusalem and the ‘city of David’ (2 Samuel 5:7; 1 Kings 8:1; 1 Chronicles 11:5; 2 Chronicles 5:2), though it is also used with reference to Israel. Zion can also refer to ‘Mount Zion’, a hill located in Jerusalem which was the site of the Jewish Temple (destroyed 70 CE) and is the site of the al-Aqsa Mosque. Zion and Mount Zion are sometimes interpreted as coded references to an alternative geographical location or to something ‘spiritual’ and otherworldly. In some religious traditions, Zion plays a central role in expectations about end times or the benefits associated with end times being fulfilled in the present.